The Spirit of an Age

Stories precede doctrine.

Many descriptions in literature about kinds of social reality can be confirmed with evidence independent of the literature. You know that the parapet constructed in York, England in the Victorian Era and described by Wilkie Collins in “No Name” could be confirmed from maps of the time and local histories. How Parliamentary politics operated in the late Victorian Era as that was described in Eliot’s “Daniel Deronda” could be verified in newspapers and memoirs. The ideas and emotions of Naziism as presented in Mann’s “Dr. Faustus'' could be buttressed by reading books about Hitler.  But here is another species of social reality that cannot be accessed by anything other than through literature and that is what is properly called the spirit of the age, which is the pervasive, encompassing sentiments that underskirt what is happening in a culture. Some commentators make a try at capturing that, as happens when Jimmy Carter made a speech about how America was undergoing a period of malaise, and David Riesman’s “The Lonely Crowd” got it wrong that Americans were fighting conformity when they were embracing it. Literature provides the true compass if you just jiggle it.

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The Quality of "NYPD Blue"

Is “NYPD Blue” art or just entertainment?

Return to this long standing issue of mine as to the difference between art and entertainment.  Literature that is artistic in its product whatever its intent presents itself as a self contained fictional sphere which can be found to be coherent and vivid when it deploys plot, imagery, characterization and those other elements of story. You know “Hamlet” is art because you care about penetrating Hamlet’s character as he resides in the very credible atmosphere of Denmark. Literature can be found in the canon of work from the Iliad to Thomas Mann that are assigned to students, recent works not yet judged to have met that standard, though I think Ishiguro is probably a worthy advocate who has not yet been anointed at a Cooperstown because anointing a member of the canon is a matter of critical consensus rather than even having won a Nobel Prize in literature, which was awarded to Ishiguru.. Some contestants, over time, fade in their grasp of having created an artful sphere of their own, and that is true with Steinbeck and O’Hara. We can think of those two and others as falling just short of making literature however commendable were their efforts. The question is what are the qualities of the literature itself that commend a work to be considered literature rather than an entertainment which provides a passtime for engaging a reverie, like most westerns or mysteries, these using the devices of literature but not accomplished enough for a reader to become resident in its work. Critics discuss whether some writers have come close but not quite there, as is the case with Conan Doyle or Mrs. Gaitskill, honorable attempts at literature, and even praise Agatha Christie for her plotting while admitting weaknesses in characterization that limit a reader’s full emotional and intellectual involvement. My own purpose is to find the qualities that make a work literature or not rather than think approbation a matter of taste or a reflection from outside the work, such as the social background of the reader that make a reader like rural or urban settings. Literature is to be treated as an objective matter rather than a matter of taste, the experience of art an exquisite accomplishment of the spirit rather than a bauble to be put in a china shop so as to remind people of what is already familiar.

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My Colleagues and I


A memoir of education.


The colleagues who had washed up in the early Seventies at Quinnipiac, this backwater college, established into a full college with liberal arts and health sciences added to a business school and a junior college in the late Sixties, were a varied crew, many of them quite interesting and thoughtful despite having long delayed or never completed doctorates. Few of them were so immodest as to think that they were creators of knowledge rather than purveyors and explainers of knowledge already established but they were quite knowledgeable about their own specialties though many lamented what a medievalist among them said to me, which was that he was not trained to deal with such deficient students.The chemistry professor would joke by  saying “Scotty, beam me up; there are no intelligent life forms on this planet”. When Eunice Shriver came to campus for an honorary degree, she quipped to the assembled faculty that they might never have expected to award a degree to a developmentally challenged  student, as had just been the case, and it got a big laugh because it seemed, actually, not that unusual at all. The more literary of the faculty read John Williams’ “Stoner”, a novel about a pedestrian academic at the University of Missouri in the Twenties who never gets anywhere and devotes himself to raising his daughter. Stoner is not a very good teacher, either. No “Goodbye, Mr. Chips” with its inner rewards despite what seems such an unspectacular life.


Rather, as the administration understood, the faculty did academic and scientific life to stay alive intellectually and were therefore generous in travel grants to conferences to support that and so I went to Toulouse, where the food was superb, and to darkest Louisville where I discovered that a local community theater had flattened out all the double entendres and other ironies so as to make it more acceptable for the locals than had been the case in the Broadway production I saw. The same thing happened when my wife and I, on our own ticket, went to Dublin, and went to an Indian restaurant where all the spices were toned down for local tastes. So much for Judith Blau adding up all the repertory theaters to see how cultural America is.  A local theater means a different thing in a different place.


A biology teacher found a wise and clever way to communicate with students. The medical services offered an expo on “Boobs and Weiners”, as it was called on the placards. When students asked the biologist in class why sex was so exciting, he said that there were a plethora of nerve endings in the genital areas but that sex was largely in the mind. He introduced students to the idea of evolution by declaring that giraffes did not exist because no one has figured out the hydraulics whereby the blood of giraffes is sent up to the brain so as to complete the circulation of the blood, much less how there were intermediary steps to their very long necks. When students said giraffes did exist, he said “aha!” and evolution is the theory of how that can work, disregarding that there might be a storehouse in Heaven that includes the blueprints for all biological creatures. He was respectful of my own view that I could not go past Steven Jay Gould idea of “punctuated evolution” whereby evolution takes place in spurts for reasons unclear and that Gould offered only a history of evolution whereby you can trace which species did in fact develop rather than explain why some species had to develop.


A psychologist was concerned with addiction. He wondered whether the term should be limited to substance abuse like heroin and alcohol or those other habits like gambling or shopping that also had highs and were addictive but did not require a substance. He was himself a bit of a gambling addict who claimed he only a few times left track of time at the poker tables, which is what the windowless rooms of the casinos encourage. I had a relative who had to make his  football bets high enough so that it would hurt if he lost. My psychologist friend thought that the cure for compulsive gambling was to teach people to be better or more rational gamblers. Set limits on how much to lose in a session. Don’t go for broke but gain on the margins. Master the odds and play those and then concentrate on  reading the faces of the poker players so as to pick up their “tells”. I was not convinced but he was trying to figure out addiction and he gave me a high compliment because, as he put it, I had mastered my own field and so could offer descriptions of the social class standing of my students. Their parents had  some money but their children were first generation students and so were only just middle class rather than established middle class.


Another psychologist colleague missed his calling, I think. He had started college to learn accounting but an introductory course in psychology had caught his fancy and he went into that field and became quite proficient at social psychology, a field of which I was quite skeptical, over the years criticizing Milgram and Kahane and he told me that I was lucky I wasn’t in a major university where I wouldn’t get away with that. He also was what psychologists considered “a natural” in that he quickly and accurately was able to appreciate people. He sensed that I had a troubled childhood and was still dealing with that many years later. But he didn’t become a clinical psychologist and he didn’t finish his dissertation but settled down at Quinnipiac with a very nice life, a big fish in a small pond, at a nice house he had built in a nearby rural town. What he really cared about, I think, was American history, of which he read a great deal, and he offered a course on baseball history so as to allow topics like integration and ethnicity and unionization to go down easy for students by putting them in the baseball setting.


My friend also became an advisor on academic problem students and in that role asked me to give a grade for a deaf student who had been asked to enter a normal introductory sociology class. I suppose he was thinking highly of me in that I would give an honest evaluation. He gave me no instructions as to how to handle the situation. The student had a notetaker and recorded my lectures as well but what she wrote on exams was very poor. Her mother asked me why I flunked her and I said quite honestly that I generally judge essays on the prepositions and other connectives whereby a student shows inferences and her daughter could not do that. The mother said somewhat smilingly and resignedly that a lack of connectives was part of the problem and I did not add that such inferences were also the heart of learning. So I think I had taken the burden from the college. There was no lawsuit. On the other hand, a blind student did quite well. She was clever and all she needed was for me to say in words the diagrams I had put on the chalkboard. More frazzled was the Vietnam veteran who had been a medic with a special forces unit but couldn’t manage the biology classes so as to enter a medical program. But he died not too long afterwards from cancer, the result of Agent Orange. A colleague of mine who was a veteran of the Israeli Defense Forces served as an advisor to the Vietnam vets who passed through Quinnipiac.


I, on the other hand, did not miss my calling. I liked doing the combination of skills I was good at: teaching, because I liked explaining things over and over again as if I was discovering the material fresh, teachers having to be unlike actors in that they had to write their own scripts, resplicing their mental tapes for different courses and situations, and also writing and talking about social theory and social policy. It is just that I wasn’t very successful professionally at applying my long to develop writing craft and so went usually to only minor conferences. Finding one’s true calling did not guarantee a successful career. Some did and some didn’t. Barbara once said to me that I was Salari trying to be Mozart, but in truth I was just trying to be Salari who could, after all, appreciate Mozart.


The second generation of recruits to Quinnipiac were not as eccentric or interesting. They were more pedestrian sorts who had narrower intellectual and scholarly interests but had marched through their graduate studies at lesser universities and had also been recruited on the basis of knowing about topics to suit the proliferation of programs that the President of the college, then renamed “university”, was creating so as to increase enrollments in what after all was a tuition driven economy in that it bhad no endowment and so needed increased numbers of students to service its mortgage debts. He added a law school and a medical school and I was involved early on with the development of a Masters of Teaching Arts program which was at the time an elite degree whereby graduates of elite bachelor degrees could get a teaching credential but was now to be offered to the general population of college graduates as an entrance into public school teaching. The members of my committee were dubious about education schools and wanted to craft our program as more aligned to liberal arts values so that teaching literature was by a professor of literature who would help people what literature was rather than just go through the books that would be assigned to students when the graduates went to teach high school. But the accreditation agency who came to visit, all made up of professional educators, were dubious of that, and insisted that the head of the program had to be someone from a teacher training institute and for my part I was dubious about our own people could manage the professional educator very well, and that is what proved to be the case. I was asked to teach the required course on the history and sociology of education because I was the only person in the program qualified to do so while most of the program was devoted to classroom management and the psychology of adolescence and other topics drawn from usual schools of education. But while it lasted, I had fun, until people were found who had an educationalist background to replace me.


I offered my course for two sections of it during the summer for four days a week for three weeks and insisted that there be a hundred percent attention and that provided an immersion experience parallel to what happens in intensive foreign language learning programs  and which I think is still preferable to the usual thirteen week semesters where faculty and students meeting two or three times a week.(It also meant I was well remunerated for the work in a brief period of time.) 


I assigned the usual classics in the sociology of education, such as the description in Lynd’s “Middletown” of the high school of the Twenties which provided little educational quality and instead cultivated what it called its “Bearcat Spirit” of school camaraderie, and still is what most high schools are about. And then there was also the educationally adrift high school of the Forties in Hollingshead’s “Elmtown’s Youth”, the lack of achievement explained as the result of tracking that relegated non-wealthy students to lower tracks and so never to learn very much. I raised the question whether tracking was the cause of poor performance or just the result of the disparity of children to learn based on their social class upbringings. The poor are way behind by the time they reach first grade. And also there were some new books at the time, such as “Small Victories”, an inner city high school of the Sixties, where a very able teacher working at an underachieving student body thought of that entitled accomplishment as a success, and I wondered whether that goal was enough. I thought these successful courses because the discussions in class were lively but the adult women who were most of the students  thought just to get through their credential and I have  and had long thought that if all you wanted out of  an education was a credential that was all you would gain from it rather than open oneself up to an education.


Another foray into a new program was a criminology program that was put in place as part of the sociology department, and which I thought appropriate because the first course I ever taught other than introductory sociology was criminology, which I learned about from books on the topic and was easy enough to master because its ideas had been written by or borrowed from sociologists, such as the idea that people become criminals because they become associated with others on that career track. But criminology became as it once had been a separate area of study and the people we hired from it knew only criminology. I liked one fellow who needed to go through the rigoramole of getting a visa and a green card because he was a Canadian and so the Quinnipiac administration had to attest that he had specific qualities that could not be found in an American and Quinnipiac was willing to attest to that. The real reason he wanted to come to the United States was that his girlfriend was American and he wanted to be close to her, which seemed to everyone to be a sensible reason. Love conquers all. He came here and married her. Not so fortunate were the Iranian students at Quinnipiac who did not want to go back to Iran after its Islamic revolution and where the registrar insisted on following regulations rather than find excuses for allowing the students to stay in the United States. There are always refugees and I was partial, given my mother, to letting anyone into our shores, to the land of the free, rather than return to some foreign land of the oppressed.


The problem was that some of the students in the program which prepared students to  become prison guards were attracted to the work because they liked the idea of controlling and punishing inmates rather than just managing them. The department discussed how to respond to the students that were outspoken about their animus against their potential inmates. Punishment meant managing security rather than inflicting additional punishment. I was not sure that this was under the rubric of providing an objective social science orientation but instead offering a professional judgment, akin to law and medical school, of what were the preferred practices for engaging in an occupation. Liberal values rather than objective theories kept creeping into my own above the fray point of view. It reminded me of students in Berkeley who were taken with Barry Goldwater and his book “The Conscience of a Conservative” and would write about that in Freshman English class and the professors would say in an amusing offhand bravado way that  they would find a way to chastise them for engaging in such deviant ideas.. And those professors were merely English professors, not specialists on politics, but just part of what seemed to me a very illiberal idea of holding differing views against them.


Another program the President of Quinnipiac proposed and implemented to attract more students was one on mass communications, this program part of the English Department. President Leahy had established a center with all the latest technology for television and filmmaking and had located some CBS broadcast veterans on the time of their retirement to have greener pastures. One did tell me he found the students unsettling because people like themselves who had gone into broadcasting were news junkies who kept up in detail with the news. It was their mother’s milk, while the students didn’t care for the news. That was correct. The students were taken with the technology itself: film and tv cameras, how to handle and master those things rather than what topics about which to communicate. But it brought students onboard and also a few faculty members who cared about the art of film.


I became involved for a few years in the mass communications program by teaching a course on the sociology of mass communications, a major field of sociology for a few decades, and for which a course was required by the advisory agency, just as had been the case when I got to teach sociology of education in the MAT program. Sociology had indeed become what I had hoped, which was a field where you could study a wide variety of fields from a sociological point of view, minding myself to be sure to be informed by theory and fact rather than just blowing off opinions. My point of view on mass media was very sociological in that I thought the impact of the mass media on public and private opinion was overrated as opposed to the psychologists I knew who thought the impact profound, my own view to be thought of as the mosquito bite theory, a minor annoyance rather than the brainwashing that alarmists and theorists like Herbert Marcuse  thought it was. People respond more to their social class and ethnic attributes than to what they saw on tv and in movies which were just entertainment. I was thinking of the earlier time when people thought comic books would corrupt the population and I still think that superhero movies are artistically deadening but to no great personal effect. That is why I am dubious about social media as a blight on mankind, but I don’t keep up with the field and so can nowadays offer only an opinion rather than a considered view.


As for the courses that I developed myself, I got to teach courses outside my specialties of politics and what I called “everyday life”, which was a cross of Georg Simmel and Erving Goffman on friendship, courtship and social gatherings, and it fell like a thud, producing only essays about what I did on my summer vacation rather than the nature and complexities of having a vacation at all, how it was a reevaluation as well as a recreation. “Everyday life” did not seem to my students to be a real subject matter while social policy was a legitimate subject matter even if they did not know much about it. A curious phenomenon which I still ponder: when does a subject matter become an object of study? It was an historical event when universities, such as John Hopkins, invented political science rather than regard it as a part of social philosophy. 


More student appreciation, as measured in faculty student interaction, occurred in a course on race relations, which, as I gather, I would not have been able to do some years later because I was white. Most of the Black students in the college came to that course and some said they were surprised to find that someone who was white knew so much more about Black history than they did but all I was doing was trotting out standard ideas about prejudice and discrimination and Jim Crow and the Civil Rights Movement as part of the waves of minority groups--Jews, Italians, Irish, Slavs and Puerto Ricans as well as Blacks--who had reached these shores, the theme being that the adaptation to America was a matter of resources brought with departure and circumstances and evolutions that occurred after arrival and that America was a place where succeeding waves became absorbed into the nation, through some Black students thought it would never come for them, while my view was in keeping with the sociological insight that whatever is at the present the normal situation does not seem capable of being altered.


One Black student thought that Black urban areas should not be demeaned by being called “ghettos” and he was suddenly clarified and enlightened, a big smile on his face showing he got it, when I explained that the term was originally applied to the areas in which Jews were confined. Facts redefine concepts and so are a part of education. But many Black students in this and in introductory sociology dropped out before the end of the semester, as colleagues told me also occurred in other low prestige colleges, because they found keeping at it exhausting or no longer novel or perhaps offensive. One Black girl who later in the term dropped out thought I should not assign “Life at Hamilton High” because its theme was that students were unruly and that is why they didn't learn. I was just going over the difficulties of inner city life to which students should be exposed.


Another course I would not have been able to teach in a major college or university because neither myself or my colleague in the joint course on the Bible knew neither Hebrew nor Greek. The course got a large following until I had to end it because more straightforward courses in sociology were more pressing. What we provided was what was once called “the Bible as literature”, which is misleading because the Bible is always literature whether or not you care to add doctrine which, as Bert Erdmann likes to say, is always speculative, theologians saying whatever they might care to. My take on that was that believers were credulous about matters of the supernatural that I thought definitely incredible, meaning not to be tested as assertions. But people I know who are devout Jews and Christians are dealing with the same texts and so draw the same observations, such as that it is a sublime moment when Abraham argues with God about how many good people are to be found in Sodom so as to spare it from destruction, thereby indicating that God is now conceived of as subject to morality. Or also sublime is that the parting of the Red Sea could be treated, as by Poussin, as a singularity which can be observed and therefore grasped only after it had passed. These literary matters are the paydirt. So I was able at Quinnipiac to keep up my interest in religion through Bible study but found a try at a course on the sociology of religion a bit too foreign for students to handle. A Catholic colleague wondered how two lapsed Jews teaching a course on the Bible could handle Jesus other than by saying that He was a nice man. My colleague joined us to hear us for a few sessions and paid us the great compliment of saying that both of us sounded like Jesuits. 


In general, the students of Quinnipiac were not lazy. They worked multiple part time jobs to make ends meet or loaded up on classes so as to graduate early. They just didn’t like school. They did not think, as I did, that school was a kind of liberation but thought instead that classes were just to be endured. They explained their low SAT scores to being poor test takers, that measure apparently independent of what they understood about life, and when I said that just going through one of those paperbacks of old tests would raise scores considerably, even without the cost of test tutoring services, they asked why they should engage in that ordeal. School classes, I gathered, were the real ordeal.


Faculty tried. Early on, a dean wangled a government grant to jump start ill prepared students, as the expression went, to function on a higher academic level. There were a number of faculty members who cooperated in delivering films, lectures and discussions in a large lecture hall to immerse students in culture rather than in a language. It didn’t work. The students were offended by being exposed to “Triumph of the Will” and didn’t follow a brief selection of Hobbes. It was possible for a faculty member to feel despair and just claim that if all students want was a credential that is all they would get. A journalist who visited a class to City College in New York  soon after Open Admissions began in  the Seventies to allow more less prepared students and not just Black ones to have a chance for college said to a professor of Russian Studies that her lectures on the Russian novelists were brilliant but that most of what she said passed over the heads of the students, and she responded that she didn’t want to hear about it. But most of the faculty that had washed onto the shores of Quinnipiac were interesting people who tried to devise ways to reach their students, each developing a set of tricks that got lost when they retorted because they were each personally crafted to suit their own abilities  and their students' limitations. A math professor found a subject matter that avoided the quadratic equation in a college math course, though I never solved the mystery of how. 


I crafted a course in what a colleague, who was a demographer, called “qualitative demography”, which was an oxymoron, but could be slotted into the college catalog as “Communities” that would not be too difficult to conceptualize but would tease students into knowing something of the wider world. I characterized and compared rural areas with towns and cities and suburbs and metropolitan areas and regions, showing how each of them are more or less creatures of political organization or patterns of commuting or economic activity, sort of a throwback to the ecological school on the study of cities done at the University of Chicago in the Twenties. I asked the class what the difference was between the parallel roads that came east through Connecticut: U. S. I, which went through the center of villages and towns; the Merritt Parkway, with limited numbers of access ramps, built in the Forties; and Interstate 95, built in the Fifties, where the lanes were more numerous and flattened out. One student was confused and flustered, saying that they were just built, avoiding my point that these constructions were historically occasioned and so gave me some evidence that explaining such things was worthwhile because they were not obvious to all the students. I also discussed the  upheavals that led to social displacements, such as the Warm Medieval Period that lasted from 900 A. D. to 1300 A. D.; the Black Plague, cribbing from Boccaccio and then Defoe; the Irish Potato Famine, stolen from Malthus and John Stewart Mill; and the great migration from Europe to America that I surmised was dependent on reliable steel made ships that doubled the population of the United States during the second half of the Nineteenth Century. These studies made me dubious, by the way, of speculations about climate change in that climate fluctuation preceded the Industrial Revolution which polluted the air with its waste products. Greenland had been relatively green in the Eleventh Century and there had been grapes at the time in Newfoundland. How come?


The best course I crafted, I think, was one entitled “Government and Business” which the Liberal Arts dean asked me to create so as to have as many seats as possible for Liberal Arts students by offsetting one semester of the year long economics requirement which many students found too quantitative, and so I got large audiences for what they thought was easier stuff, that buttressed by offering test essay questions pre approved by the students. What I did was to analyze the economic-political landscape. I covered monopolies and what “the free market” meant, and interstate commerce and how corporations worked. I made it clear to distinguish between what was the general consensus of scholars from what was a contested point of view and labeled when I was offering my own educated point of view so as to give students what objectivity meant. I compared the elements of business they learned in their business courses, such as finance, administration and marketing, with the similar aspects of government, which were, respectively, taxation, running the executive, and campaigning.


An election year was the best time for the course so you could see what the policies of each of the candidates would offer as hoped for impacts on the economy. I could read the Times each morning on the train trip north so as to find the material I would discuss in class that day. I remember comparing and contrasting the views of the Democratic candidates for the Presidential nomination for the election. I particularly remember the 2O04 primary debates. The election would be about foreign policy, on whether the Iraq War was wise or not, Kerry arriving to accept his nomination by saluting and saying he is ready to serve, but there were domestic issues as well, especially in health care, given what a debacle occurred when First Lady Hillary Clinton had failed to get through a national health insurance plan less than ten years before. The topic remained on the national agenda. Representative Richard Gebhardt, the Missouri populist, wanted to cover everyone and paid for through taxation, something similar to what Bernie Sanders proposed ten years later, a rather radical idea, while what was to be the eventual  nominee, John Kerry, proposed the novel idea of only having federally funded catastrophic insurance, which meant people would have to cover their own checkups and minor injuries but would not have to pay any large expenses, which is what people worried about, and was much less expensive than the Gebhardt plan but the Kerry plan also meant people might avoid checkups and minor ailments that might become major ones. My general point was that policy matters were consequential.


A girl came after class to say that after a few weeks of class she could anticipate what I was going to say about a topic. That is one of those moments that make a teacher think it has been worthwhile, an important influence reserved to be recognized years later if at all. She had picked up on my patter and saw that I was systematic and turned to the same insights and formulas over and over again. I had long ago abandoned the Socratic approach in elite classrooms whereby students were allowed to clash their opinions after the teacher had set the scene by providing some information and then asking some provocative questions. The students at Quinnipiac did not know enough to discuss what were not really even opinions to be honed. So I represented myself as a model for how an educated person talked about things, some of these traits perhaps somewhat rubbing off as happened in my own education or at least providing a standard for what constituted reasoning.


My work as a teacher made me part of the more than half century effort to improve school results that equalized ethnic and class disparities between students by equalizing spending and engaging in teacher training, which for many years my wife did, by providing new curricula and school reorganization. This effort could not be called a social movement because it did not involve marches and banners but nonetheless was a pre-occupation across schooling from the most elementary to the collegiate and seemed to those involved to be very important in making the nation more just however intransigent to change the nature of education proved to be. I even voted two times for Rudolph Guiliani sas New York Mayor because he wanted to take over the Board of education and revitalize a department of education. 


But the effort didn’t work. The disparities in test scores between Black and Hispanic students on the one hand and white and Asian students on the other remain. The increases in Operation Head Start and then in Operation Follow Through in the Sixties and Seventies were not sustained but students fell back to the achievement levels they would have had if the programs hadn’t taken place. A key data point when I followed those matters was the Ypsilani study which was very well designed and showed that students in an intensive preschool education benefited years later from that organizational intervention in that they were more likely to go to college and less likely to get involved in  crime. I would argue against the significance of these salutary results by addressing the fact that students did not improve their test scores. More optimistic experts said that educational improvement must follow from the social measures but I insisted that academic achievement, which after all was a major purpose of education, was independent of students becoming more disciplined or more orderly. 


Getting educated was a tough nut to crack. What worked for poor or educationally deficient students was very expensive schooling, triple what public schools could manage, those private schools supported by rich alumni or by philanthropy. They provided very small classes (not just from twenty five down to, let us say, twenty, but to, let us say, ten), and hired social workers to go into family homes to help them help their children to learn. As a skeptical sociologist said to me and which I persisted to think was otherwise, learning is done around the kitchen table and not in schools. Joe Biden wanted to revive a dead issue by funding universal pre-school and making community college available to all, but those parts of his program had to be shelved, perhaps to await another day.

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The Awareness of Society


Society is an intimation or an idealization rather than a social structure.

What is a society?  It appears to be a group of people, like a tribe or a nation state or a civilization, which is self sufficient in that it provides in its institutions all that is required to provide a distinctive way of life for a people. The trouble is, though, that these entities are not self-sufficient, as when the Arab civilization has to sell oil and is beset by the  inroads of Western civilization and so grapple with what is essentially Islamic, becoming more and more like a set of nation states. And, more grandly, what is society in itself, that to be understood as a simile for the sea in which the fish swim? What is that overarching but central and essential object for sociologists to study? Take note that in looking at that large item a choice is being made between examining the thing as a whole rather than the basic building blocks out of which it is made. Biologists can look at living bodies for the various functions they undertake, such as respiration and digestion and reproduction, but can also look at the life of the cell and so see that is the real meaning of biological life. Similarly, sociologists can study the role or the norm as the building block which animates society as that appears to be the overwhelming and encompassing social entity which is indispensable to mind. 

A usual and workable idea of society is that it is the intersection of all the social forces that are in play within a society and so make people familiar with it. So a society is made up of social class and ethnicity and institutions of politics and religion and the mass media, and everybody responds to these structures and so are in society whether or not people think of society as an object in itself. Society recognizes us even if we don’t recognize it. But that is the rub. People can recognize they have familial obligations and interests without thinking themselves trapped or maybe safe within its strictures. Society is therefore the opposite or the residual of all the actual relations people have, in which case sociology sets society in opposition to the individual, ever diminishing the ability to act as individuals as when political sociologists ever more restricted the voter to make an independent rational decision about who to select by showing that voting was contingent on social class or education and less and less on beliefs or doctrines.The opposition between the individual and society as the two negations of one another is also manifested in psychological life when people are unhinged from their self directed mental decision making by the mind being invested and overcome with totalitarian or cultish thinking or by the pernicious effects of social media. It is always possible to find the pernicious cause that leads the individual to become absorbed by society, as happened when people thought that comic books were the poison that destroyed reason before comic books became regarded as an art form. 

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The Children of Abraham

A memoir of Woodridge, N. Y.

My great grandfather Abraham Wenglinsky, who died from natural causes in Czestochowa, Poland a few months after the German occupation in 1939, was called “Black Abraham'' because of his being so mean spirited. My father’s siblings jokingly claimed that he was so mean not even the Germans would kill him. My grandfather Louis, who I met many times, also was given the sobriquet “Black” because he was also so mean spirited. He bullied his wife and children. He threw a knife at my father because my father wanted to continue doing his elementary school homework rather than go down to work at the bakery he owned and that was on the property. Louis had his youngest daughter wash his feet. It wasn’t sexual, as far as I can tell, just a service, but she felt humiliated, not what proper people did, and she was aspiring to be more. She became what Adam Sandler called “a wedding singer”, Sandler just having eliminated its Jewish identification, thanks to my own father sending her money so she could get voice lessons and then, later on, working as an optician. Louis calmed down somewhat when his wife got a bit elderly, not knowing how to handle her when abuse no longer worked and when she became diminished because the youngest child had been killed when a truck backed up over him and she, Rose, would tell people not to sit next to her on a bench because that child was sitting next to her. When I was a child, Rose would give me raisins and cinnamon from the barrels in the bakery. 

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Middle Brow Cultural Taste

Cultural tastes are more ingrained than social class.

The “Partisan Review” crowd of the Forties through the Seventies, had a very clear sense of how culture and society interacted with one another and was best stated abstractly by Dwight Macdonald in an article and then a book published in 1960, called “MassCult and MidCult”. That view could be considered a rejoinder to the Cultural Marxism which vied during the same time with a key and distinctive understanding of how culture and society interacted. Cultural Marxism was an intellectually heavier point of view and was a response to the fact that economic Marxism had not accurately predicted the eventual immiseration of the working class so that they would overthrow capitalism either through Leninist violence or Bernstein-like use of the democratic ballot box. To the contrary, economic capitalism flourished. The Fifties were an affluent society and labor unrest turned to detailed collective bargaining arrangements about wages and perquisites where both sides wanted to make a deal so the corporations could get on selling their cars and workers could get their raises and benefits, never mind whether the work itself was arduous or mind numbing. The cultural Marxists insisted, however, that there was a price for economic prosperity. It was that people were spiritually impoverished by late stage capitalism. The population as a whole was subject to alienation in that their work and their selves were lost to meaning and that the mind itself had lost the ability to engage in reasoning, that meaning, as Horkheimer put it, in the title of his book “The Eclipse of Reason'' whereby people  became mindless automatons, society not run by selfish capitalists, but going on its way on its own, a totalitarian society without a Fuhrer. The best statement of this view on the American scene was Herbet Marcuse’s “One Dimensional Man”, published in 1964, which portrayed Americans of all classes, including the capitalists, obsessed with capitalist fetishism, buying until it hurt, with deodorants and slightly more upscale cars as fueled by tv and radio jingles so inane as to dumb down the populace.

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Exclusive Social Movements

Whether you have or only try to parade allies makes a difference.

Sometimes a sociologist finds a simple description of a social situation that cuts through a great g slighted or dismissed or badly handled and so resentful of the ways in which the social world worked. The idea is a repeat of Hegal’s idea that the slave knows better than the lord what are the conditions of the slave’s role, but Merton had generalized that deal of ideological verbiage and makes other argumentation superfluous, so much so that once the social characteristic is identified it seems so obvious that it had always been understood as such. Robert Merton did so in one of his late essays about insiders and outsiders. Addressing the political and ideological turmoil of the Sixties, he distinguished between people who were or identified with people within institutions and those people who were outsiders, each side claiming that they better understood what was going on in social life. Insiders included politicians and academics and corporation executives who knew how the world worked, understood the mechanisms of the social world, while outsiders were people who understood because they were on the receiving end of the results. They included poor people and students and people of color and women, members of each of these groups having suffered from and outraged about their conditions. Merton was like Hegel in pointing out that the slave understood his condition more than did his master, but Merton was transferring the issue to be a general state of knowledge, each with its own claims, rather than a  difference in situations. Which group, the insiders and outsiders, had more legitimate knowledge or was there such an unbridgeable gap that a person could choose the wisdom of one or the other and that was all there was to be said? Professors pontificate and students talk straight and that is just the way things are never mind the intricacies of their alternative explanations. Either you don’t trust people over thirty or you don’t.

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Cold War Nightmares

The prospect of nuclear anihilation was and is terrifying.

No atomic bombs were ever used during the Cold War and by the time of the end of it in 1987 it had become clear that Mutually Assured Destruction had worked to deter the use of atomic weapons. They had not been abolished by law, as had chemical warfare, but like chemical warfare were not useful as military weapons because chemical weapons were unreliable and nuclear weapons more than reliable for wiping out the country that used it first. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Millay said to Russian military leaders exactly what the United States would do if the Russians used even tactical nuclear weapons against Ukraine and that warning was heeded. Nuclear weapons were off the table and the threat that the United States had or would develop a protection against nuclear weapons, however much its cost and implausibility, had been part of the decision by the USSR to give up the Cold War.

But the prospect of a nuclear exchange that would devastate the United States, the Soviet Union and Europe dominated all their imaginations during the time of the Cold War. Nuclear warfare was the apocalyptic event that everyone dreaded even while the various homelands remained intact and the United States and Europe became even more prosperous while the Soviet Union was in economic decline, which was the real reason the Soviet Union had to capitulate. It couldn’t come close to meeting American military expenditures. So the Cold War was filled with forebodings and we have to rely on books, films, and academic studies of what atomic war would be like to provide the texture of the Cold War, to spell out what never eventually happened but what might well have been.

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War in the Fifties

The Cold War was the war of the century.

I was already an experienced political hand when I opened up my sixth grade first issue of Junior Scholastic of the fall term which announced the invasion of South Korea. I had been following the events in Korea in the New York Post ever since the war started in June. And much before, in 1948, I had listened to H. G. Kaltenborn say on the radio in his staccato voice that  Dewey would win and both I and Harry Truman went to bed after that news and were both surprised in the morning to find that Truman had won though my personal choice of the American Labor Party, whose standard bearer was Henry Wallace and backed by Socialists and Reds, had not even won New York State and so did not even have a symbolic victory.

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Breaking News

Breaking news doesn’t tell the whole story.

There have been flashpoints in the last seventy-two hours that suggest something important is happening in some of the ongoing issues of our times that make them part of the temper of our times: the legal issues about whether Donald Trump had tried to overthrow a presidential election, an issue only some three years old but destined to remain with us historically; the issue of the Israel Hamas War, which goes back to the creation of Israel since 1948 or if one cares to ever since Jews have been an irritant to others, which goes back for thousands of years; and the issue of American border immigration, which go back to the 1850’s when the Know Nothing Party originated in its rejection of Irish Immigration. The first two flashpoints do not upon analysis as being of significant importance and it is uncertain whether the third will be, which suggests that flashpoints don’t tell what is really going on, They are driven instead by the need for breaking news to fill up media hours rather than the contexts which explain the ongoing issues. Yes, the times are full of issues but the abundance of flashpoints is just the fluff to fill airtime.

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Daydreams

   Daydreams are structued as stories.

Imagining  oneself as having another life, different from the one you have lived, is one version of a daydream, and there are other kinds of daydreams that will be referred to later. What happens in that particular daydream, let us say in Boise, Idaho or Lincoln, Nebraska, is that a person imagines how he or she took one or more forks in the road and so came to live in a different place or time, a satisfying conjecture given the pleasures of time travel romances and disasters, people finding love in another age, or fining the world on the other side of apocalypse, both of them the case in the granddaddy of the literary version of the genre, E. G. Wells’ “The Time Machine”. The thing about daydreams is  that they are not random thoughts but are stories, filled with incidents and described situations and even dialogue, and so are subject to the restraints of stories and so not to be dismissed as mere reveries. 

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The Taste of the Eighties

 What it felt like back then.

The temper of the times for a particular decade can be described by the social upheavals that mark the decade. The Thirties were the Depression; the Forties were theWar and its reconstruction; the Fifties were the affluent society and the civil rights movement, and so on and so on, with each decade having its characteristic sociological events. It is difficult to characterize decades with their cultural emanations in that culture is unevenly produced. The Thirties was sparse on novels though it did produce memorable films and popular music. The Forties had an outpouring of drama, both Miller and Williams doing their best work. The Fifties included novelists and writers such as Bellow and the immigres Nabakov and Arendt, which did give a sense of the deeper meanings of the decade. But it is also possible to speak of what we might call “the taste of the times'' referring to the felt rather than the deeper meanings of a time, what is experienced and readily available, even as that quickly passes and so has to be recovered or exposed from memory as the way it was, never mind the deeper currents. I am reminded of this more restricted focus by having looked at the first season of “LA Law” a network tv series originally aired in the Eighties, which does not seem so long ago but which the usual process of cultural amnesia has abolished until it was made available this fall on Hulu streaming, a service that did not exist when  “LA Law'' first aired. Think of those episodes as a way to recover Eighties fads and preoccupations even if current cultural commentators recently offered in the New York Times find the series quaint or distasteful rather than engaging the truths of the times they told.

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Advocacy and Analysis

 Being reasonable is always the uphill climb.

The academic world has been replete with the clash between advocacy and analysis, particularly in the clash between Palestine supporters and Israel supporters. Advocates stand by their beliefs and deny the claims of the opposite side even if I think the arguments unequal in that the historical evidence supports Israel’s history and the Palestinian argument is that relative suffering makes you right on the merits. It just depends on when you start your grievances: the expulsion of the Jews to Persia or the Nakba, the withdrawal and removal of Palestinians from Palestine during the Israeli War of Independence. In academic terms, and preceding for decades the present war, advocacy meant promoting a conclusion so as to consult only the evidence that suits you and framing the terms as inevitable while analysis meant going where the facts and ideas will lead-- new facts, clarified ideas-- so as to find out something new. Academic life consisted of honing arguments so that it was more analytic rather than just advocated. So students who argued that the United States was a colonialist could indeed cite the results of tube Spanish American War but had to stretch the term to include the Marshall Plan which reinvigorated Western Europe and colonialism had to be transformed into a Cold War between the only two superpowers, which is a kind of warfare rather than the exploitation of the poor rather than the rich, however much subsidiary people like Katanga or Vietnam became embroiled in that conflict. The entire academic enterprise is endangered, so the argument goes, if people don’t attend to complexities, to make distinctions, rather than marshall only the arguments on one's own point of view. Rationality is itself at stake, as it always has been as when American Firsters could make a case that the United States could avoid entanglement with Europe but could no longer do so after Pearl Harbor, while George Wallace could defend “Segregation Now and Forever” because Americans of African descent seemed inevitably backwards. African-Americans were inevitably tainted by their origins, but that was advocacy rather than analysis because Wallace was not facing up to African American advancement, that nurture overcame what seemed to be nature.

Closer to home and in a political rather than an academic setting, was the debate on Fox News a few nights ago between Gov. Desantis of Florida and Gov. Newsom of California . Their fireworks provided some entertainment, though the Liberal media panned the event as so vituperative as to diminish both debaters, which is what happens in most recent debates, where Nikki Haley seems reasonable by comparison even if she is largely a trimmer. Look with some care at part of the Desantis-Newsom debate just so as to clarify the difference between advocacy and analysis and why that is important.

Sean Hannity started the debate by claiming he would be an impartial moderator and then offered as his first question a gotcha one aimed at playing to the Conservative playbook. He asked Newsom why it was that so many Californians in the last two years had left California while so many people were moving to red state Florida?  Hannity pointed to the fact that taxes were higher in California than in Florida. Newsom’s answer was rather lame or so fatuous that he had not prepared an answer. He said more people were leaving Florida for California than Californians going to Florida which was beside the point about the overall trend. Newsom also vaunted the educational and economic preeminence of California, which did not go to the point of why people were leaving. 

Hannity had leveled a logically flawed advocacy argument to make his point. He had asserted a fact  and then inferred whatever he might offer as the explanation of that fact without detailing the fact or the connection to the inference. If I had been the analyst I would have asked about the fact. A two year finding is hardly much of a trend in demographics. Second, were there any studies of interviews of emigres to examine why they left California? Without those, there are only suppositions that are not evidence but predilections already believed in, which is that taxes rather than other matters is the main issue. As an analyst, I would look more largely as to why people move from their home state. People have been moving south ever since air conditioning and the end of legal segregation. California is spreading to satellite states like Nevada and Utah. My own family moved to Utah just three years ago because it was their ancestral home and because, yes, they found the political climate more amenable. But does that mean that going was a sign that Utahns are more insular rather than willing to intermix with people of different persuasions? That would put leaving California a bad trait rather than the good one of leaving a high tax state. As an analyst, forget whether the outcome is good or bad, only why it is happening, just part of the reasons people do thighs. Just look at the factoid bauble and don’t justify a fact with a premeditated directive but engage in facts as Newsom tried to do when he said only rich people in California had high tax rates. Analysts look at complexity not simplicity. 

I am afraid that media and public discourse very much engages in the flawed reasoning I pointed out in areas other than that of Californians going East. You take an uncertain fact and then deduce the premise that makes the fact acceptable. That reasoning leads to very extreme conclusions. Trumpists assert the fact that Jan. 6th was a lark in the park because they do not want to believe Trump was trying to overturn the government and when press footage showed otherwise it was possible to consistently say the footage had been doctored, which meant there was a vast conspiracy afoot to mislead  Trump. Facts will not get in the way of the original premise however outlandish the inference required to keep the proposition true. Analysts, on the other hand, are free to go where they will go unburdened by having to reach a set conclusion. Analysts who examined civil rights could still admit not as a concession but just as a fact that inner city gang violence was a problem  for Black advancement.

Conservatives seem particularly inclined to posit some fact, however dubious, and then infer as obvious any pet policy they may already favor.  Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana, who is intelligent and articulate but not very sophisticated about social life, worked that in a committee hearing recently when he insisted that his witnesses answer whether there were two sexes or four or six? He was flabbergasted to find the experts could not answer that simple question. It did not occur to him that sex was a sliding scale or that biology, being what it was, would not occasionally have mismatches between sexual identity and sexual anatomy and that was as natural even if much more rare than the  usual association, and to be managed as best doctors can without adding the inference that helping people to adjust to that situation was horrific rather than humane. After all, only a minority of people are lactose intolerant and rather than blame them for that condition or try to convince them to change their minds, milk companies provide lactose free milk. Conservatives tend to say that whatever is uncustomary is unnatural.

For their part, contemporary Progressives engage in a similar short circuiting of reasoning but with a different concept than nature. They regard as a fact that minority and poor people are exploited, the rich receiving their ill-gotten gains at the expense of the poor and the minorities. Black slave labor allowed capitalism to flourish, some people say, and so the present day injustice is how much wealthier the rich have become rather than how just crumbs more in taxes on the rich would allow providing generous entitlements to the poor and the minorities. The inferences or compensations offered by Progressives are far afield and have to do with pet projects like reparations or District of Columbia statehood or voting rights legislation rather than looking at them on their individual merits. Why isn’t D. C. absorbed into Maryland? Why not bring back the full Voting Rights Act of the Sixties? Who would qualify for reparations? Kamala Harris? An octoroon?

Sometimes the reasoning is so short-circuited that there is no way for two sides to argue. Pro-Palestinians will say that the slaughter on Oct. 7th was done by the Israelis or that Palestinians had the right to kill women and children because of the indignities in Gaza.Then there is no alternative than war to settle the matter and the Israel-Hamas War is inevitable and very long lasting, for decades or centuries. The ideological gap between Democrats and Republicans seems almost as deep a cleavage in  that both Biden and Trump regard the other as anti-democracy. But advocacy can still be modified by analysis by most citizens, I like to think and I find it difficult to imagine how the two sides would engage in military combat however many Ultraconservatives imagine themselves as the descendants of Minutemen and Confederates. Just defeating Trump in 2024 would ease the advocacy, voters  forced to choose between an  insurrectionist and an institutionalist, no ifs and buts about it. A binary ballot cuts through the qualifications, the specious facts and the dubious inferences.  

Rationality is always at stake always and not only in demented times. Marcuse claimed that modern capitalism was irrational as could  be evidenced by listening to the nonsense of jingles and the insatiable consumer demands foisted by the advertisers even though rich Romans also engaged in baubles like nightingale tongues. Are they also capitalist? And why are multiple brands of bbq chicken wings so terrible? Or buying a car that shows your career accomplishment? Rather, the eclipse of reason is ever av available and cooler heads have to prevail, as Jefferson did when he explained why the Colonies needed to sever themselves from Great Britain as opposed to voicing a slogan such as “Give me liberty or give me death” just as centuries later people voiced “Better dead than Red “ in advocating against the Soviets rather than figuring a way through that. Stay calm and carry on being analytic even in bad times.

The Hostage Question

Hostages are poignant and casualties are horrific.

Hamas is each day releasing 50 hostages in exchange for 150 people held in Israeli jails. The whole world watches the daily event of the hostages taken in ambulances to Israeli hospitals, footage of reunions, and snippets of what their captivity had been like, even though it means stalling the invasion of Israel to destroy Hamas because of its massacre of southern Israel on  Oct. 7th. President Biden says the release of the hostages has been front and center ever since the hostages were taken and that  rescuing the hostages results, Netenyahu states, because of Israeli military pressure rather than pondering the regrettable casualties that are the result of pursuing the war. Why are the hostages so important even though there are only hundreds of hostages while many thousands of Palestinian civilians, including women and children, die as the result of Israeli artillery. Isn’t that disproportionate?

The reason hostages are seen as more precious than civilians is existential. Hostages are particular while civilian casualties are statistical. A hostage is a person absconded and in grave danger of dying and so suspended between life and death and that leads to, well, suspense, which means concern for whether that particular person will die, a person full of feeling and personal lives, those recounted by un-hostaged relatives, and therefore precious because of their anguish. On the other hand, civilians are at any moment either dead or alive, mourned if gone but that over and done with, or else still alive and subject to the chance of a bomb falling on them or on the building which collapses on top of them. Some people have bad luck while others don’t even though the odds are worse in some places rather than others. Palestinians remind the world of the number of casualties even as Israelis have to remember what happened on Oct. 7th so as to explain why reprisal was justified. The media find the story of hostages a better story to cover because of individual biographies while all the media can show of casualties are bodies in shrouds, but the media is telling the story of the hostages because of its inherent poignancy: a person captured or released who was available to be killed.

There are precedents other than war of the poignancy of people under a sword of Damocles suspended under a thread, and so in recognition of immediate death, but still alive. Think of the Chilean miners a decade ago who were trapped underground world wide television closely following for days their eventual rescue while not covering the auto deaths on the highways at the same time  except as a record of a particularly grisly one without covering the people who had lost live ones. Car accidents are just statistical and to be alleviated by seat belts and driverless cars rather than saving the guy who gets behind the driver’s seat to some unknown fate. Also think of Billy Wilder’s most cynical movie,”Ace in the Hole”, from 1951, where newspaperman Kirk Douglas creates dispatches of a trapped miner that leads to a carnival atmosphere and Douglas extends the time until he would be freed so as to do it more safely until  the point that the miner dies, which is now a lose rather  than an inspiration for hope, which is what everyone admires as a token of humanity, however manipulated by Douglas for his own advantage.  

A way to overcome both hostages and casualties is to point to the grievances of one party and neglect those on the other side to the point that Palestiniians will claim that Oct. 7th was done by the Israelis to itself while Israelis will say that Gaza residents did not overthrow the Hamas regime and so those Palestinians afre being liberated by Israeli attacks on Gaza. A bit of hyperbole that is rhetorical and self-serving. But underneath the faux humanitarianism are the historical grounds for each side. Israelis were on the land for three or four thousand years and Palestinians claim that the land is part of the essential Muslim territory. There are quibbles about which side engaged in bad faith, the Israelis expelling the Palestinians during their War for Independence, the Israelis claiming that the Palestinians mostly left when they expected to return to their homes when Arab armies had taken over the area when they won the war. Both sides justify their own history, though I do find telling that the Palestinians never accepted any one of the many partitions offered to them. The Palestinian view “from the river to the sea” can be considered either principled or foolhardy or both.

It is no wonder then that political scientists will abandon historical rights and consider only realpolitik: what is useful rather than what is right. Japan had interests in getting scrap metal from the US and access to Indonesian oil so as to pursue its war against China. The US had been leery of Japan becoming a great Pacific power and so had conquered the Philippines in the Spanish American War so as to keep it from Japan. But realpolitik can go just so far. Hitlrr did not need a war for Germany to be prosperous and glorious. His daring risked too much. George Bush did not need to recapture Kuwait even if Iraq's control of it raised oil prices. The US adjusts to OPEC without going to war with it, Sunni nations useful for longer geo-political ends.The Palestinians and the Israelis are implacable foes for religious reasons and the US sides with the Israelis for domestic political reasons based on the idea that Israelis are westerners and Arabs are only slowly becoming that. Cultural affinities triumph over geo-political interests.

There is another way to explain the plight of hostages and casualties that takes advantage of their two properties: hostages as poignant and casualties as horrific. Biden uses both of them to accomplish his own goal, which is to get things to settle down rather than in war solve the problem once and for all, despite what Netenyahu and his most ardent supporters may want. Biden said a few days after the hostage taking that freeing the hostages was the first priority and would encourage humanitarian pauses so as to allow that. That Biden view may well have been heartfelt even though any pause would allow Hamas to regroup. The best Netanyahu could do was to use the poignancy of the hostages to say that only military pressure would allow Hamas to release hostages. And Biden, apparently with his active intervention, arranged for a trade between time and hostages, putting aside the Palestinians left out of jail. Then Biden talked about extending the days for exchange and possibly extending the situation into a full truce, which is counter to the Netanyahu position that Hamas has to be destroyed or else it will rise again and massacre Israelis. But Biden is concerned that the Palestinian casualties are so considerable that it will stain Israel permanently, there always people to blame the Jews for doing what other nations do regularly, as was the case when  the US engaged in unacceptable behavior in Vietnam, killing civilians that were called “combatants'' because they were running away from American helicopters. So, by their own terms, Hamas would have won the war they expected: able to fight another day, thanks to American intervention. Biden would hope the Israeli people would kick out Netenyahu and elect a government that wpoui;ld supp[ort a two-state solution. Biden is sincere in what he says about Hamas and Israelis but is also cagey in the way he tries to leverage American power to his own ends, which means looking in the long run for a gradual accommodation between Israelis and Palestinians, over the course of generations, so deep is the chasm between them.

Formalism and Updike's Saga

How both parents and the times make you what you are.


Formalism is the view of aesthetics that only the dynamics of the artwork or the text is to be consulted in garnering what the artwork or text means regardless of the biography or circumstances of the artwork or text. What is important is the work itself and anything else is either unimportant or a mere adjunct of or an inconclusive hunch about the work itself, as when Jane Austen said that she was going to create a heroine in “Emma” who was unappealing. The novel itself shows that whatever Austen meant to do was not necessarily what she did do. She might have gotten her conception of her own character wrong, as happened, critics generally agree, when Shylock got away from Shakespeare and became more trod upon than Shakespeare had originally thought him to be. A work is itself superior to the intentions of the work. This is a very radical view of art and literature in that it applies high standards, gleaming meaning from the work rather than from the commentaries written about it. That puts Dante’s “Divine Comedy” as inferior to, let us say, “Henry V” because Dante’s stories can’t be understood without the footnotes, however succinct and profound is his poetry, while “Henry V” makes sense in itself, the machinations of international relations, whether or not the play is accurate to its time and is not foreshadows the fact, after all, that Henry V died soon afterwards and did not take over France for very long. Very different from commentaries are T. S. Eliot’s footnotes  in “The Wasteland”, which are part of the text and so allow a reader to wonder what Eliot was doing with poetry by including footnotes. Is a text restrained or expanded as poetry by including within it its own footnotes?

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What is Society?

Society is a concept not a thing.

What is a society?  It appears to be a group of people, like a tribe or a nation state or a civilization, which is self sufficient in that it provides in its institutions all that is required to provide a distinctive way of life for a people. The trouble is, though, that these entities are not self-sufficient, as when the Arab civilization has to sell oil and is beset by the  inroads of Western civilization and so grapple with what is essentially Islamic, becoming more and more like a set of nation states. And, more grandly, what is society itself, that understood as a simile for the sea in which the fish swim? What is that overarching but central and essential object for sociologists to study? Take note that in looking at that large item a choice is being made between examining the thing as a whole rather than the basic  building blocks of which it is made. Biologists can look at living bodies for the various functions  they undertake, such as respiration and digestion and reproduction but can also look at the life of the cell and so see that as the real meaning of biological life. Similarly, sociologists can study the role  or the norm as the building block which animates society as that appears to be as the overwhelming and encompassing social entity which is indispensable to mind. 

A usual and workable idea of society is that it is the intersection of all the social forces that are in play with a society and so make people familiar with it. So a society is made up of social class and ethnicity and institutions of politics and religion and the mass media, and everybody responds to these structures and so are in society whether or not people think of society as an object in itself. Society recognizes us even if we don’t recognize it. But that is the rub. People can recognize they have familial obligations and interests without thinking themselves trapped or maybe safe within its styrictures. Society is therefore the opposite or the residual of all the actual relations people have, in which case sociology sets society in opposition to the individual, ever diminishing the ability to act as individuals as when political sociologists ever more restricted the voter to make an independent rational decision about who to select by showing that voting was contingent on social class or education and less and less on beliefs or doctrines.The opposition between the individual and society as the two negations of one another is also manifested in psychological life when people are unhinged from their self directed mental decision making by the mind being invested and overcome with totalitarian or cultish thinking or by the pernicious effects of social media. It is always possible to find the pernicious cause that leads the individual to become absorbed by society, as happened when people thought that comic books were the poison that destroyed reason before comic books became regarded as an art form. 

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Differential Distribution

Conservatives have an easier argument

The default setting in the battle between Liberalism and Conservatism, which is the same thing as the battle between equality and authority, is Conservatism. It always seems to get the better of the fight. The people of Israel in the Old Testament did not have to decide to have a monarchy. The authors of “Deuteronomy” went even further in reducing the idea of freedom inherent in “Exodus” by making the government an institution which drained people of their independent judgments by berating them. Christianity starts out, as Hegel argued, as proclaiming as its primary insight the individuality and equality of all people in the eyes of God, and yet that is replaced in a few centuries or, it might be said, in a few generations, by an hierarchical order for the administration of the sacraments and the supervision of moral life. 

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Contemporary Anti-Semitism

Marxist-Leninism did it.

These times, following but also before the Oct. 7th, 2023 massacre of Israelis in southern Israel, show the worst anti-Semitism since when the German guards left the concentration camps because of the approaching Soviets, Americans and Brits, which was in early 1945, when I was four years old, born and being bred in New York City because my mother and a sister had left Poland for America in May, 1939 and so were not exterminated as were her other brothers and sisters and brethren. I want to untangle the various forms of anti-Semitism and particularly the version of it currently in vogue, never mind that anti-Semitism is a persistent matter some 2500 years old.

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Filling the Imagination

Only religion and secularism can do that.

The educational magic of diversity was experienced by me long before the term “diversity” became a cliche for describing getting students from different points of view to intersect on a campus. I was early in my freshman year at college when I met up with another freshman and he had prepared for college at a Catholic high school. When I said that I didn’t believe in anything, he said with considerable anger that everyone has to believe in something and so the only question is what people agree to that is based on faith rather than scientific truth. And, yes, it was true that I believed that humankind was engaged in a road to progress and that knowledge would make us free, but what I meant was that I did not subscribe to any supernatural belief, one beyond the tests of factual or conceptual truths where one might make an educated inference. I could believe that ethical life was important without claiming that ethics were a sacrosanct or holy entity the equivalent of religious belief, such claims by definition to be beyond reason, such as the Virgin Birth or God parting the Red Sea. So, there.

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The New Speaker

Herblock, the political cartoonist of the Forties through the Seventies  who severely criticized  Richard Nixon, said that even Nixon would get a clean shave after Nixon  became President and so Nixon would be judged on the basis of what he did after he was elevated to that office. I approached Jim Johnson, the new Speaker of the House, in the same light, giving him the benefit of the doubt when, in his inaugural speech, Johnson was filled with high sounding religious invocations. Johnson said that in the Declaration of Independence God had created men as equal rather, I suppose, than that rights are a human creation, but Christians are often unfamiliar with or find it incomprehensible that Jefferson was a Deist who thought the rules of nature are the only things that apply. Johnson also said that public officials have been anointed by God, which I took to mean that when elected officials had a supernatural mandate, they should meet the highest moral standards in their legislative crafting, eschewing petty matters,so as to be Godly. So Johnson’s opposition to same sex marriage and abortion could be read as taking seriously the most important and fundamental matters and so to be respected even if I disagree with him.


My willingness to be respectful to Johnson lasted all of twenty four hours. It ended when he said that his only response to the mass murder in Lewiston, Maine was that it should be addressed with prayer concerning the evil amidst people. No legislation required. Johnson certainly doesn’t think only prayers should be addressed to the evils of abortion. He wants laws concerning it enacted. But no laws on gun control or even just quicker interventions to take away guns from mentally ill and dangerous people. So Johnson is just the same old MAGA Conservative, with Trump credentials, rather than one of the high minded religious sorts. His religion is not independent of the shibboleths of the Right about gun control, which believes that people have a right to bear arms so as to protect the people from a national army. But if that was the case, they would not stop at allowing people to have assault rifles rather than the rifles carried in the Revolutionary War. They should allow citizens to arm themselves with tanks and howitzers so as to attack the Pentagon, should that be needed. But I doubt many gun owners would accept that, and so what are the limits of gun control? As far as I have heard, Johnson doesn’t say.


Johnson is now second in line after the President, and he does not accept the legitimacy of the 2020 election and so would disrupt the orderly succession of power that has existed up to then since the time of the Constitution. Representative Matt Gaetz says that the other side should recognize the Republicans are the party of Trump. I am willing to recognize that such is the case, however sad that might be to acknowledge. The “moderate” Republican members of the House are said to have caved into the extreme of the party because they are indecisive and cowardly and confused and exhausted but I think they think of party over nation and so cannot go to Jeffries and get elected a Republican Speaker who will do limited things like money for Israel and Ukraine and Taiwan and the southern border and a continuing resolution until the next year and nothing much else until the 2024 election, however unprecedented it would be to have coalition government in the House, even if constitutional, but because the Republicans could not organize themselves except under the leadership of an  extremist. Who said Trump wasn’t in charge? The GOP doesn’t need tweaking; it needs an overhaul if it is to be regarded as a legitimate party.